Introduction

'A commonly agreed upon prevalence rate of family violence amongst service providers in New Zealand is estimated as 14% or 1:7. When applied to the New Zealand population base (March 1994) this would mean that there are an estimated 481,989 people experiencing family violence either as victims (survivors) or perpetrators (largely men) in New Zealand.' [2] In 1994 Snively estimated the economic cost of family violence to be at least $1.2 billion per year, with a total economic cost per person of $33,241.03.

In 1991, 45.9% of the women and 55.9% of the children who used Women's Refuge were Maori.[3] In 1993, 51% of Women's Refuge clients were Maori.[4,5] In 1999, the National Collective of Women's Refuges reported that 44% of Women's Refuge adult clients were Maori.

In the 1996 New Zealand National Survey of Crime Victims,[6] 26.9% of Maori women respondents reported that they had experienced one or more types of abuse from a partner. These acts of violence focused on sexual and physical abuse and property damage. The authors summed up the data by noting 'within each ethnic group, the prevalence rates for partner abuse are higher for women than for men and are very much higher for Maori women than for New Zealand European and Pacific Island women'.

Maori women are also featured in the key findings of the 1996 Women's Safety Survey:[7]

  • Maori women were significantly more likely than non-Maori women to report that they had experienced controlling behaviour by their partner (p.16).
  • Maori women were significantly more likely than non-Maori women to report that they had experienced at least one act of physical or sexual abuse by their partner and that they had experienced 10 or more types of violence (p.28).
  • 28% of the Maori women [compared with 10% of non-Maori women] with current partners reported experiencing at least one act of physical or sexual abuse in the past 12 months (p.35).
  • 2% of the Maori women with current partners and 19% of the Maori women with recent partners reported that they had been treated or admitted to hospital as a result of their partner's violence (p.48).
  • 3% of the Maori women with current partners and 24% of the Maori women with recent partners reported that they had received medical treatment from a doctor as a result of their partner's violence (p.48).
  • 5% of the Maori women with current partners and 44% of the Maori women with recent partners reported that they had been afraid that their partner might kill them (p.48).

The women further reported that the violence they had experienced had also affected their children.

In her 1999 research, Tania Pouwhare [8] found that "family violence severely impacted on participants' abilities to seek and retain employment and perform in the workplace" (p. viii). Pouwhare writes:

Abusers used many tactics to jeopardize women's employment opportunities. These included reneging on promised childcare, harassing women at work, threatening colleagues, accusing women of infidelity, refusing to support women with domestic duties, burning work clothes, exerting physical violence, and constantly undermining a woman's self-worth with verbal abuse and psychological violence.

In any report dealing with the experiences of domestic violence and Maori women, there needs to be a place to explore the nature and definition of that violence. This report therefore not only examines the legislative environment for the delivery of programmes for Maori women, it also looks more broadly at defining Maori domestic violence and the impacts of colonisation and violence on indigenous communities.

1.1 Defining Maori domestic violence

There is no one, universally-accepted definition of family violence. The Family Violence Prevention Coordinating Committee [9] defined family violence as:

Maori:

Tukino Tangata-Kaupapa for Te Patu Tangata (1987)

Ko nga raruraru e pa ana ki te tukino tangata, kei waenganui i nga iwi katoa.

He maha nga momo ahuatanga patu i te tangata penei i te kohuru, patu i nga waki katoa o te kohuru, patu i nga waki katoa o te tinana, ko te tukino wahine, te mahi puremu, te patu me te raweke i te tamariki, te ngaronga ake o te whenua, me te whakaiti tonu i te tangata.

E pa ana tenei raruraru ki nga kaumatua, nga kuia, nga whaea, nga papa, te ranga, nga tamariki me nga mokopuna tahi o nga momo iwi katoa.

Kua kitea, ko nga tane tonu kei te patupatu i nga wahine me nga tamariki a, ki ta matou mohiotanga, he whakaiti tonu tenei i te whare tapu o te tangata me nga pakeke mo te Ao Hou.

E te iwi, me mutu i konei tenei mahi tukino tangata. Ma iwi hei mahi? Mau, maku, ma tatou katoa.

English:

Violence that occurs between those persons connected by relationships (non-strangers), usually in a non-public place.

It includes conduct that damages physically, emotionally, socially, and/or mentally and can be of physical, sexual and/or mental nature.

It involves fear, intimidation and emotional deprivation, assault with or without weapons and sexual violation.

Such violation is often called 'domestic violence', 'child abuse', 'non-stranger rape' and 'incest/child rape' and includes all these actions.

It occurs irrespective of age, social status or ethnic group and affects a significant number of people in the community.

Males are most often the aggressor with females and children the predominant targets of that aggression.

It is perpetrated and supported by the abuse of inherent power that individuals/groups/ institutions/racial groups have over others.

This is also the definition employed in the Te Puni Kokiri report on Maori Family Violence.

1.2 The Domestic Violence Act 1995

In his foreword to a 1997 Te Puni Kokiri document by Roma Balzer and colleagues, entitled 'Maori Family Violence in Aotearoa', the then Chief Executive Dr Ngatata Love states that:

Government is committed to reducing the incidence of family violence and has acknowledged the need for Maori to develop programmes and services to reduce family violence within their whanau. The Domestic Violence Act 1995 reflects this commitment by recognising Maori family relationships and providing opportunities for Maori to provide support and rehabilitation for victims and perpetrators of family violence.[10]

The Domestic Violence Act 1995 extended the definition of family violence in what has been described as 'a philosophical shift in the way the justice system perceives and addresses domestic violence'.[11] The definition of violence in the domestic violence legislation has now been widened in order to try and incorporate a power and control approach to defining domestic violence. Hence, the new definition includes not only physical violence but also sexual abuse, psychological abuse (including, but not limited to, intimidation, harassment, damage to property, threats of abuse), and causing or allowing a child to witness physical, sexual, or emotional abuse of a family member. The Domestic Violence Act 1995 also provides for programmes for protected persons and those who have a Protection Order granted against them.

Applications under Domestic Violence Act 1995

From July 1996 until June 2000, 28,755 applications were made under the Domestic Violence Act 1995. The majority of respondents (89.0%) in these applications are male. In addition, 23.8% of the respondents and 22.3% of the Adult Protected Persons are Maori.[12]

1.3 Colonisation and violence in indigenous communities

The Domestic Violence Act 1995 is also a piece of legislation written to fit within a broader western legal schema. Its applicability and usefulness to Maori therefore remains limited, as a Maori philosophical position on violence in general, and violence within families in particular, differs greatly from generally-accepted western positions. The Domestic Violence Act 1995 attempts therefore to legislate for a problem that is prevalent among Maori communities and families and yet fails to recognise its own inclusion as part of a greater mechanism of continuous violence perpetrated upon Maori people within a colonised Aotearoa.

Caren Wickliffe argues that there are a number of underpinning assumptions in colonisation that have led to the imposition of foreign legal systems on Indigenous Peoples.[13] Further, she argues that such impositions have been established through processes of denying Indigenous Peoples' sovereign status and rights. The result of such impositions has been the destruction of many traditional ways of life and the debasement of cultural ways. As a consequence, Wickliffe argues that the law and current legal systems are viewed by many Indigenous Peoples as weapons of colonisation.

Neville Robertson also comments on the impact of colonisation in the construction of 'battering' within this country.

Battering is more than the actions of individual men against individual women. Broadly speaking, it can be viewed as a culturally supported practice. Dominant readings of Christian theology, certain aspects of capitalism and an andro-centric British legal tender system, together with the process of colonisation, have played a role in maintaining the subordinate position of women and implicitly, sometimes explicitly, condoning violence against them.[14]

The contention that colonisation has impacted upon Maori is not one taken solely in regard to early colonial experiences, but as noted by Wickliffe and Robertson, reaches deep into present day issues pertaining to Maori. In a report on the Waitara shooting of Steven Wallace[15], Moana Jackson notes that a key to understanding the shooting is that of the historical context surrounding the forms of structures and organisations such as the Police, and the relationships that have developed as a consequence of that history. Jackson's report indicates that relationships between the State, as represented by the Police, and Maori in Taranaki must be seen in light of the history of that area. This is a critical point in that it highlights a need for institutions to have a deep understanding of the historical underpinning that exists between Maori and a particular institution. Emphasising this point, Jackson states that if the culture of an institution

...is based upon the institutionalised racism of colonisation, then its members will be imbued with, and may even manifest, that racism.[16]

Stephanie Milroy also asserts this position in regard to the intersection of colonisation and the law. Milroy argues that colonisation brought a monocultural legal system to this country that actively oppressed Maori people.[17] In a series of interviews with Maori women in Women's Refuge, Stephanie Milroy highlighted the patriarchal and monocultural nature of the legal system and the issues of control felt when entering the legal system.

Milroy argues that women interviewed did not directly relate their experiences to issues of race; however the issues raised were fundamentally linked to the structures and foundations of the legal system. These issues are however addressed in some depth in the report 'Te Tikanga o Te Ture: Te Matauranga o nga Wahine Maori e pa ana ki tenei - Justice: The Experiences of Maori Women' commissioned by the Law Commission.[18] The conclusions of this report state:

Our concern is that the justice system has failed to meet the needs of Maori women. This failure is manifest in the negative experiences they have described to us and in the perceptions that they have that the justice system accords them little or no value. The consequence is that Maori women have little or no confidence in that system.[19]

Many Maori people argue that domestic violence is but a microcosm of what is experienced by indigenous peoples following colonisation. Ani Mikaere argues that colonisation has been instrumental in the undermining of tikanga Maori.[20] Furthermore, she asserts that the construction of Western legal systems in this country has been central to the colonising project and has been a damaging force in regard to current arrangements and relationships between Pakeha and Maori.[21]

Margie Hohepa regards violence as a learned behaviour, one that connects to the notion that domestic violence or violence against women and children is not culturally Maori, but is a result of a systematic colonisation of fundamental values.[22]

The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women's Task Force On Violence report[23] highlights the impact of colonisation in terms of violence within Aboriginal communities. It is noted that the impact of history cannot be isolated from current discussions of violence in the lives of Indigenous Peoples, and the cultural fragmentation and marginalisation that contribute to the crises that many Indigenous Peoples may find themselves in. The history of colonisation in Australia is referred to in the following ways in the report:

The history of race relations in Australia is one in which Indigenous People have been subjected to forms of violence that were unknown to many non-Indigenous Australians, and as a consequence, the atrocities inflicted against Indigenous People have only recently been fully exposed. Colonisation and dispossession were factors identified throughout the consultations as being central to the current alcohol and drug abuse, violence and dysfunction witnessed in Indigenous communities.[24]

Indigenous people generally have been profoundly affected by the erosion of their cultural and spiritual identity and disintegration of family and community that has traditionally sustained relationships and obligations and maintained social order and control.[25]

1.4 Intervening in Maori family violence

Family violence is undoubtedly a major concern for Maori. At the Maori Women's Welfare League Indigenous Women's Conference in 1991, Parekotuku Moore, on behalf of the Family Violence Prevention Coordinating Committee (FVPCC), challenged Maori to 'take a firm stance in eradicating family violence'. One way to facilitate a reduction in family violence is the resourcing of intervention and prevention programmes that work with whanau.

The rito, the centre shoot or heart of the harakeke or flax, must be cared for to ensure new life and new shoots. It symbolises the need of each person to be nurtured in a whanau-hapu environment. According to Maori, te whanau-hapu is the heart of life for a person. It is the ground in which kinship and social relationship obligations and duties are learned, and enabled to flourish and flower.[26]

The 1980s and 1990s have witnessed much debate about violence in Maori families. Roma Balzer and Hinematau McNeill[27] recommended greater Maori participation in addressing domestic violence from a Maori cultural perspective. This was based upon their examination of the Treaty of Waitangi and Maori history. They stated that:

Family violence intervention involves male responsibility for their violence whilst ensuring the absolute safety and protection of the women and children victims of this violence. Any rehabilitation process for Maori men must be inclusive of positive Maori self-identity and must promote the family (whanau) as an institution, which supports, as well as sanctions, behaviour.[28]

Programmes to intervene in Maori family violence therefore need to begin from both an historical and a cultural standpoint; and will probably be most effective when offered by Maori, for Maori, under a Maori kaupapa.

Affirming the need for Maori initiatives in the area of family violence to be supported, Pauline Kingi states:

Family violence has a major impact on the development of the self, of Maori as individuals and as members of whanau, of communities. What is needed are initiatives that can focus on the reduction of Maori family violence through the development of strategies that work with the whanau to restore and to reaffirm those key factors identified at the 1994 Te Ara Ahu Whakamua National Health Hui.[29]

Arguing her second theme, Pauline Kingi notes that, in regard to the Treaty of Waitangi, iwi, hapu, whanau, Maori people have a critical role to play in the provision of services. Developments in this area need to be through processes that work for Maori and which enable Maori to develop systems that affirm iwi, hapu, and whanau.

The notion of development 'for Maori by the Maori community', is the basis of Kingi's third theme. This theme identifies a need to achieve long-term outcomes that are grounded in Maori community involvement. The fourth theme is directed at the importance of policy development and delivery that recognises whanau needs and whanau well-being. What is clear from each of the themes discussed by Pauline Kingi is that central to whanau well-being are Maori ourselves, and that drawing upon matauranga and tikanga Maori for programmes is essential.

In the Domestic Violence Act 1995 the interventions provided for are in the form of programmes provided separately to protected persons (usually women), respondents (usually men), and children. The Domestic Violence (Programmes) Regulations 1996 provide a framework within which these programmes are approved, funded and provided.

1.5 Programmes for Adult Protected Persons

The Domestic Violence Act 1995 provides for programmes for those with Protection Orders. The Department for Courts contracts with approved organisations and individuals to provide programmes for Adult Protected Persons (see chart below for an overview of the approval process).

DV Programme delivery process

The Programmes for Adult Protected Persons contribute to the legislation's primary objective of providing greater protection for the victims of domestic violence. When a Protection Order is made, the protected person can request a programme, which provides support, information, and education in relation to domestic violence. The request can be made for up to three years from the date of the Protection Order.'[30]

The goals for the programmes are set out in The Domestic Violence (Programmes) Regulations 1996 and include Maori values and concepts. These acknowledge the value of Maori concepts while leaving leeway for provider interpretation of the meaning of these concepts. Regulations 27, 28 and 29 are set out below.

27. Maori values and concepts

Every programme that is designed for Maori or that will be provided in circumstances where the persons attending the programme are primarily Maori, must take into account Tikanga Maori, including (without limitation) the following Maori values and concepts:

(a) Mana wahine (the prestige attributed to women)

(b) Mana tane (the prestige attributed to men)

(c) Tiaki tamariki (the importance of the safeguarding and rearing of children)

(d) Whanaungatanga (family relationships and their importance)

(e) Taha wairua (the spiritual dimension of a healthy person)

(f) Taha hinengaro (the psychological dimension of a healthy person)

(g)Taha tinana (the physical dimension of a healthy person)

28. Goals of programme for Adult Protected Persons

(1) Every programme for Adult Protected Persons must have the primary objective of promoting (whether by education, information, support, or otherwise) the protection of those persons from domestic violence.

(2) Every programme for Adult Protected Persons must have the following goals:

(a) To empower the protected person to deal with the effects of domestic violence by educating, informing, and supporting that person, and building that person's self-esteem

(b) To increase understanding about the nature and effects of domestic violence, including the intergenerational cycle of violence

(c) To raise the protected person's awareness of the social, cultural, and historical context in which domestic violence occurs, in order to help that person to put past experiences in perspective

(d) To assist the protected person to assess safety issues and to put in place strategies to maximise that person's safety

(e) To provide the protected person with information about:

(i) The effect of protection orders and the way in which the Act operates

(ii) The building of support networks

(iii) The availability, content and benefits of programmes for protected persons who are children, and how to request such programmes

(iv) The content of programmes for respondents or associated respondents, and the obligations placed on respondents or associated respondents in relation to those programmes

(f) To assist the protected person to develop realistic expectations of behavioural and attitudinal change in the respondent or associated respondent

(g) To assist the protected person to identify and explore options for the future

29. Structure of programme for Adult Protected Persons

Every programme for Adult Protected Persons must:

(a) Be structured so as to ensure that the primary objective and the goals set out in Regulation 28 of these regulations are capable of being met during the programme

(b) Where the programme is a group programme:

(i) Consist of a specified number of programme sessions, the total duration of which is not less than 20 hours and not more than 40 hours

(ii) Be presented to 1 gender only

(iii) Be limited to 16 people per programme (excluding the presenter)

(iv) Where possible in the circumstances, be presented by 2 programme providers if the number of people attending the programme exceeds 8

(v) Where the programme is an individual programme, consist of a specified number of programme sessions, the total duration of which is not less than 9 hours and not more than 12 hours

(c) Include, at the request of a protected person attending the programme, a final separate session for that protected person where strategies to enhance the ongoing safety and support of that protected person are developed with such members of the protected person's family or whanau as the protected person has requested be present.

The evaluation of the delivery and outcomes of programmes for Maori Adult Protected Persons therefore includes the description of how providers are interpreting these regulations within their programmes. The evaluation described in this report was guided by Kaupapa Maori theory. This is now described.

1.6 Kaupapa Maori

Kaupapa Maori is 'a theory and an analysis of the context of research which involves Maori and of the approaches to research with, by and/or for Maori'.[31] A Kaupapa Maori approach does not exclude the use of a wide range of methods but rather signals the interrogation of methods in relation to cultural sensitivity, cross-cultural reliability, useful outcomes for Maori and other such measures. As an analytical approach, Kaupapa Maori is about thinking critically, including developing a critique of Pakeha constructions and definitions of Maori and affirming the importance of Maori self-definitions and self-valuations.[32] Locating Kaupapa Maori as an intervention strategy, Smith, Fitzsimons and Roderick[33] highlight the following:

Kaupapa Maori encompasses the social change or intervention elements that are common across many different sites of Maori cultural struggle, and as the collective set of key intervention elements in the Maori-driven, cultural resistance initiatives.

Smith et al. argue that Kaupapa Maori has the potential to provide elements for effective transformation for the following reasons:

  • It has the capacity to address Maori social, economic and educational crises;
  • It is derived, in part, from other intervention mechanisms but transcends them in its ability to identify particular structures and processes important for success;
  • The notion of whanau is a core feature of Kaupapa theory;
  • Kaupapa Maori theory explains the social change or intervention elements that are common across many different sites of Maori cultural struggle including within the educational sites of Te Kohanga Reo and Kura Kaupapa Maori;
  • The notion of whanau is central to Kaupapa Maori knowledge, pedagogy, discipline and curriculum;
  • Its rationale is derived from Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

There is a growing body of literature regarding Kaupapa Maori theories and practices that assert a need for Maori to develop initiatives for change that are located within distinctly Maori frameworks. This does not mean that we are unable to carry out research ethically, systematically[34] and 'scientifically'. In other words, our research remains rigorous.

1.7 The Research

The research involved the evaluation of programmes for Maori Adult Protected Persons under the Domestic Violence Act 1995. The research drew together a strong team of researchers who are knowledgeable about Kaupapa Maori research, evaluation research, Maori health research, issues of violence including domestic violence, Maori women's health and well-being. An evaluation of these programmes was based in te reo Maori me ona tikanga so that Maori world views and ways of being acknowledged are valid. Our approach to this is articulated within Kaupapa Maori (see above).

The overall aim of the evaluation is to describe in what ways programmes for Maori Adult Protected Persons contribute to the protection of Maori victims of domestic violence.[35]

The objectives for the evaluation are:

  • Objective 1 - To describe the underlying philosophy, content, processes, and resources of the programmes.
  • Objective 2 - To establish in what ways the programmes meet the goals listed in Regulation 28 of The Domestic Violence (Programmes) Regulations.
  • Objective 3 - To examine issues surrounding the implementation and delivery of programmes and to suggest improvements.
  • Objective 4 - To describe the client group and any perceived impacts the programmes have had on their lives and on their families.
  • Objective 5 - To identify the factors, which assist or impede the take-up of programmes, including reasons for non-attendance.
  • Objective 6 - To examine the extent to which the programmes meet the needs and values of their Maori participants.
  • Objective 7 - To identify, within the context, elements of 'best practice' which could be generalised from these to other programmes.

Two programmes for Maori Adult Protected Persons under the Domestic Violence Act 1995 were evaluated to assess whether the programmes are 'promoting the protection of those persons from domestic violence' (Regulation 28(1)). In doing this, the programmes took into account Tikanga Maori.

The two programmes were selected by the Ministry of Justice and Department for Courts based on:

(a) type of programme (group or individual);

(b) geographical location (urban/provincial/rural);

(c) size of client group; and

(d) length of time in operation.

Two well-established programmes with large client groups were chosen:

  • Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Incorporated, New Plymouth;
  • Te Whare Ruruhau o Meri, Anglican Social Services Trust, Otahuhu, South Auckland.

A brief description of each programme along with its location is given below.

Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Incorporated, New Plymouth[36]

Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Incorporated

The Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Incorporated "programme has both a rural and urban focus. Facilitators travel to clients in outlying areas such as Waitara, Stratford, Hawera, and Patea. They work with groups and with individual Adult Protected Persons and have a children's programme linked with the adult protected persons' programme."

In two main population areas in Taranaki are New Plymouth (49,079) and Hawera (11,317).[37] In the New Plymouth district (68,112) 13.4% of the population said in the 1996 Census that they belonged to the Maori ethnic group. This differed from both the Stratford district (10.4%) and the South Taranaki district (18.7%). Across the three regions, the percentage of Maori 15 years and over who had an annual income of $20,000 or less varied from 71.3-72.9%, and 39.0-41.9% said that they had received a government benefit in the 12 months before the 1996 Census.[38]

Te Whare Ruruhau o Meri, Anglican Social Services Trust, Otahuhu, South Auckland[39]

Te Whare Ruruhau o Meri, Anglican Social Services Trust, Otahuhu, South Auckland

Te Whare Ruruhau o Meri "is a large, well established agency providing a range of services to whanau, including programmes for both Adult Protected Persons and Respondents. They are available to receive referrals from all Auckland Courts, although most referrals come from South Auckland. Although they are approved to provide both group and individual programmes, they work largely with individual Adult Protected Persons."

In South Auckland (that is, Manukau city) 17.8% of the population (254,277) said that they belonged to the Maori ethnic group in the 1996 census (compared to 15.1% nationally and 9.8% in Auckland city). Of those Maori 15 years and over, 62.4% have an annual income of $20,000 or less and 37.3% said that they had received a government benefit in the 12 months before the 1996 Census.[40]

The two programmes are therefore quite different in terms of their location and the population they are serving. According to the providers themselves, the South Auckland client population is also transient, whereas the Taranaki client population is more settled and, if mobile, reasonably easily located through community networks.

The research largely took place in 2000. Within this report the findings for the two programmes for Objectives 1-6 are presented separately. Objective 7 is presented at the end of the report.

Research Ethics

Ethical approval for the research has been obtained from the University of Auckland Human Subjects Ethics Committee. In addition, operating within a Kaupapa Maori framework necessitates a research process that affirms Kaupapa Maori ethics. These ethics are informed by tikanga Maori and demand that negotiation with participants be undertaken.

Analysis

The analysis of the data (including the interview transcripts) involved looking for information relevant to each of the evaluation's objectives. Within any objective, the interview data from the participants, providers and key informants were kept separate. And within each group of data, commonalities were identified through reading and re-reading transcripts and discussion among the research group. The commonalities were then described and illustrated with selected portions of transcript. Each participant was given a number and this number was then attached to the selected portions of transcript used in this report.


2 Snively, S. (1994). The New Zealand economic cost of family violence. Wellington: Department of Social Welfare.

3 National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc. (1993). National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc Annual Report 1993. Unpublished report to the Annual General Meeting.

4 National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc. (1995). National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc Annual Report 1995. Unpublished report to the Annual General Meeting.

5 National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc. (1993). National Collective of Independent Women's Refuges Inc Annual Report 1993. Unpublished report to the Annual General Meeting.

6 Young, W., Morris, A., Cameron, N. & Haslett, S. (1996). New Zealand National Survey of Crime Victims 1996. Wellington: Victimisation Survey Committee. Table 2.16 & page 45.

7 Morris, A. (1996). Women's Safety Survey 1996. Wellington: Victimisation Survey Committee.

8 Pouwhare, T. (1999). Maori Women and Work: The effects of family violence on Maori women's employment opportunities. Wellington: The National Collective of Independent Women's Refuge Inc.

9 Family Violence Prevention Co-ordinating Committee. (1991). Reach out. Wellington: FVPCC, Department of Social Welfare. Page 20.

10 Balzer, R., Haimona, D., Henare, M. & Matchitt, V. (1997). Maori family violence in Aotearoa. Wellington: Te Puni Kokiri.

11 DVA Children's Programmes - Provider Guidelines, 18 December 1997, p.3.

12 Source: DV Database - Statistics compiled from all courts in New Zealand.

13 Wickliffe, C. (2000) The hidden elements of the New Zealand constitution: Maori rights in Aotearoa. Paper presented to "Implementation of Indigenous Rights: Te Mana Tangata, Ehenua Me Tana Whakatinanatanga", Wellington, 11-12 Sept. 2000.

14 Robertson, Neville. (1999) 'Reforming institutional responses to violence against women' Unpublished Doctor of Philosophy Thesis, University of Waikato, Waikato; 285.

15 Jackson, Moana. An Analysis of the Police Report into the Fatal Wounding of Steven James Wallace at Waitara, Sunday 30 April 2000, August 2000.

16 ibid.12.

17 Milroy, Stephanie (1996). Maori Women and Domestic Violence: The methodology of research and the Maori perspective. Waikato Law Review, 4, 58-76.

18 Law Commission Report 53, April 1999. 'Te Tikanga o te Ture: Te Matauranga o nga Wahine Maori e pa ana ki tenei - Justice: The Experiences of Maori Women', Wellington, New Zealand.

19 ibid.122.

20 Mikaere, A. (1994). Maori women: Caught in the contradictions of a colonised reality. Waikato Law Review, 2, 125-149.

21 Refer also Law Commission Report 53, 1999. op.cit.

22 For discussion of colonisation and the domestication of Maori through Native Schooling refer also Simons, J. et. al. (1999). Nga Kura Maori. Auckland: Auckland University Press.

23 The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Women's Task Force on Violence Report, 1999, Department of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Policy and Development, Queensland, Australia.

24 ibid.

25 ibid.

26 Henare, M. (1995). Te Tiriti, te tangata, te whanau: the Treaty, the human person, the family. In Rights and responsibilities. Papers from the International Year of the Family Symposium on Rights and Responsibilities of the Family held in Wellington, 14 to 16 October 1994. Wellington: International Year of the Family Committee in association with the Office of the Commissioner for Children. Page 16.

27 Balzer, R. & McNeill, H. (1988). The cultural facilitators of family violence. Wellington: FVPCC, Department of Social Welfare.

28 Op.cit. Page 12.

29 ibid.

30 From Project Brief, p.1.

31 Smith, L.T. (1996). Kaupapa Maori Health Research. In Hui Whakapiripiri: A Hui to Discuss Strategic Directions for Maori Health Research. Wellington School of Medicine: Te Ropu Rangahau Hauora a Eru Pomare.

32 Smith, L.T. & Cram, F. (1997). An evaluation of the Community Panel Diversion Pilot Project. Commissioned by the Crime Prevention Unit, Office of the Prime Minister and Cabinet, Wellington.

33 Smith, G.H., Fitzsimons, P. & Roderick, M (1998). A Scoping Report: Kaupapa Maori Frameworks for Labour Market Programme, A report to the Maori Employment and Training Commission, International Research Institute for Maori and Indigenous Education, Auckland.

34 Smith, L.T. (1996). Kaupapa Maori Health Research. In Hui Whakapiripiri: A Hui to Discuss Strategic Directions for Maori Health Research. Wellington School of Medicine: Te Ropu Rangahau Hauora a Eru Pomare.

35 From Project Brief, p.4.

36 Maps from http://www.trc.govt.nz/REGION.MAINR.HTM

37 1996 statistics from http://www.trc.govt.nz/REGION.MAINR.HTM

38 from Statistics New Zealand.

39 Map from http://www.zedontheweb.co.nz/nz/map-auckland.asp

40 from Statistics New Zealand